Where Women are

Sous titre:

Gender and the 2017 Kenyan Elections

Date de publication:

11 Avril 2019

Langue de publication:

Anglais

Publié ici :

11 Avril 2019

Mis à jour le :

11 Avril 2019

Auteur:

Nanjala Nyabola

Marie-Emmanuelle Pomerolle

Mots-clefs:

gender
Women
kenyan elections

Support:

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Papier + numérique

Free online version

Free copies are also available at Heinrich Boell Stiftung, Nairobi Office; and IFRA-Nairobi office, Kileleshwa

Authors: Nanjala Nyabola & Marie-Emmanuelle Pommerolle

Place of Publication: Kenya

Date of Publication: August 2018

Number of Pages: 208

License: CC-BY-NC-SA 4.0

Language of Publication: English

ISBN: 978-9966-028-81-5

Introduction : In August 2017, three women made history by winning seats in Kenya’s senate and three others as the first female governors. It should have been cause for celebration in the context of a long-running struggle to increase women’s representation in politics in Kenya. Instead, against the widespread electoral fraud and intimidation of women candidates across the political spectrum, it was a reminder that the struggle was complicated and far from over. Should it matter that at least four of the six women, enter their new elective positions with major blights on their political record? Or is the mere presence of women enough? Should we celebrate devolution and forget that Kenya still has the lowest proportion of women in parliament in East Africa? Should we note that Kenyan neighbours with high records of formal female political representation are blatantly failing other human rights records? Should we have to choose between patriarchy and authoritarianism?

The 2017 election in Kenya is easily the most complicated election cycle in the country’s history to date. In the build up to the August 8 vote, there were numerous legal and political challenges to the legitimacy of the Independent Elections and Boundaries Commission (IEBC)—the agency that conducts elections in Kenya. In fact, in October 2016, with less than a year to go, the entire Commission resigned and was replaced in a rushed vetting process that raised more questions than it answered. Weekly protests called by the opposition to raise questions about the seemingly partisan nature of IEBC routinely turned chaotic. The head of Information and Communications Technology at the IEBC was placed on compulsory leave two months before the election, only for his replacement to be murdered with less than a week to go. By the time the results were announced on August 11, it was clear that something had gone terribly wrong. And it would only get worse. On September 1, after three days of intense debate, the Supreme Court annulled the presidential election and called for a fresh poll within 60 days. In some quarters, this was seen as a reason for optimism as it symbolised the independence of the judiciary from the executive. A fresh poll was declared for October 2017, only for the leader of the opposition to declare that he would not participate, triggering a new wave of protests and uncertainty. Eventually, the incumbent won by an undemocratic margin of 98.6% of the ballots cast after over 60% of eligible voters boycotted the polls, raising questions about the extent of Kenya’s democratic consolidation.

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